feature - The Arkansas Journal of Social Change and Public Service - 糖心Vlog传媒 Little Rock /socialchange/category/feature/ 糖心Vlog传媒 Little Rock Tue, 18 Nov 2025 17:38:48 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=6.9.4 Not Your Grandpa鈥檚 Gerrymandering; The Rigged Election We Should Be Talking About /socialchange/2018/10/03/not-your-grandpas-gerrymandering-the-rigged-election-we-should-be-talking-about/ Wed, 03 Oct 2018 15:46:48 +0000 https://ualrprd.wpengine.com/socialchange/?p=1686 Not Your Grandpa鈥檚 Gerrymandering; The Rigged Election We Should Be Talking About. By: Ashleigh Creed The views expressed in this post are those of the author, and do not necessarily ... Not Your Grandpa鈥檚 Gerrymandering; The Rigged Election We Should Be Talking About

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Not Your Grandpa鈥檚 Gerrymandering; The Rigged Election We Should Be Talking About.

By: Ashleigh Creed

The views expressed in this post are those of the author, and do not necessarily reflect views of the Journal, the William H. Bowen School of Law, or 糖心Vlog传媒 Little Rock.

On June 18, 2018, the Supreme Court of the United States decided Gill v. Whitford. A case that, many thought, would force the United States Supreme Court to finally tackle two questions that had long gone unanswered: (1) can the courts actually rule on partisan gerrymandering? and, if so; (2) how will they evaluate such claims?

This blog is a follow-up to my first post on the topic of political gerrymandering, and you can check out that first post here. For those ready to simply read on, I鈥檒l begin with a brief 鈥渞efresher鈥 on the issue. The United States Supreme Court has struggled to respond to political gerrymandering concerns since 1973, when they were first advanced to the Court in Gaffney v. Cummings.  Stating the issue at its most broad conception, the plaintiffs in Gaffney argued that, 鈥notwithstanding the rough population equality of the districts,鈥 the reapportionment plan proposed by the Apportionment Board was unconstitutional because its design was nothing less than a 鈥済igantic political gerrymander鈥 that amounted to invidious discrimination under the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. The Supreme Court of the United States, however, rejected that claim, and stated that the act of districting 鈥渋nevitably has, and is intended to have, substantial political consequences.鈥 The Court further that the apportionment task is 鈥減rimarily a political and legislative process,鈥 and that 鈥渏udicial interest should be at its lowest ebb when a State purports fairly to allocate political power to the parties in accordance with their voting strengths.鈥  However, notwithstanding the Court鈥檚 holding in Gaffney, the issue of a state plan for districting that happened to fall outside of tolerable population limits, was left to be addressed another day- and with it, questions of justiciability, standing and appropriate remedies.

Now, we know that the Supreme Court did in fact hold partisan gerrymandering claims to be justiciable in a subsequent case, Davis v. Bandemer,  however, eighteen years later 鈥 frustrated with a lack of discernable and judicially manageable standards for adjudicating claims of partisan gerrymandering since that decision 鈥 the Supreme Court of the United States, in a plurality opinion, concluded in in Vieth v. Jubelirer, that Bandemer was wrongly decided and held political gerrymandering claims to be non-justiciable.

Essentially, since Gaffney, the Court鈥檚 discussions have continued to center on the undecided issue of whether political gerrymandering was a 鈥減olitical question鈥 that was outside the Constitution鈥檚 allotted scope of judicial review, or whether it was justiciable under the Equal Protection Clause of the 14th Amendment. Additional constitutional concerns, including violation of one鈥檚 First Amendment right of association, had also been brought to the Court鈥檚 attention for answering 鈥 to no true avail. Ultimately, the Court has been struggling with the question of whether there exists a judicially manageable standard for adjudicating claims of political gerrymandering for decades. A question that, for obvious reasons, many hoped would finally be answered by the Supreme Court in Gill.

However, in a rather anticlimactic decision, the Court ruled in Gill only on the issue of standing in political gerrymandering claims. Specifically, that, for a plaintiff to have standing to sue on a partisan gerrymandering claim based on a theory of vote dilution, the plaintiff must prove that she lives in a 鈥減acked鈥 or 鈥渃racked鈥 district. The Supreme Court then remanded the case back to District Court so that the plaintiffs could have an opportunity to prove 鈥渃oncrete and particularized鈥 injuries using evidence that would 鈥渢end to demonstrate a burden on their individual .鈥 The Supreme Court in Gill v. Whitford expressed no view on the merits of the plaintiffs鈥 case and made no comment as to the justiciability of the plaintiffs鈥 complaint of a violation of their Fourteenth Amendment right of Equal Protection, or their First Amendment right of Association. In doing so, the Supreme Court effectively their responsibility to 鈥渧indicate the Constitution against a contrary law鈥 that is allowing partisan officials to degrade and jeopardize our democratic process.

Ultimately, unless and until the Supreme Court rules definitively on the issue of justiciability of partisan gerrymandering claims, our democratic system will continue to be severely threatened and, ultimately, curtailed due to the advent of new technology. It is undeniable that partisan mapmakers now have access to extremely complex redistricting software that contains enough information for them to create lines that are, essentially, unbeatable for a decade. Again, 鈥渉e who controls redistricting can control .鈥

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Arkansas LGBT Community Again Facing Hostility From Elected Officials /socialchange/2018/09/10/arkansas-lgbt-community-again-facing-hostility-from-elected-officials/ Mon, 10 Sep 2018 14:24:26 +0000 https://ualrprd.wpengine.com/socialchange/?p=1662 by Kyla Bishop The views expressed in this post are those of the author, and do not necessarily reflect views of the Journal, the William H. Bowen School of Law, ... Arkansas LGBT Community Again Facing Hostility From Elected Officials

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The views expressed in this post are those of the author, and do not necessarily reflect views of the Journal, the William H. Bowen School of Law, or 糖心Vlog传媒 Little Rock. has continued its attack on its transgender citizens as Attorney General Leslie Rutledge joined 15 other state attorney generals 聽and governors in an effort to allow employers to fire their transgender employees. On March 7, 2018, the United States Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit ruled that R.G. & G.R. Harris Funeral Homes against its employee, Aimee Stephens, when it fired her after she told them she intended to transition and would begin dressing as a woman while at work. , the Court stated, 鈥淭itle VII requires 鈥榞ender [to] be irrelevant to employment decisions. Gender (or sex) is not being treated as irrelevant to employment decisions鈥 if an employee鈥檚 attempt or desire to change his or her sex leads to an adverse employment decision . . . [A]n employer cannot discriminate on the basis of transgender status without imposing its stereotypical notions of how sexual organs and gender identity ought to align.鈥 Harris Funeral Homes appealed the Sixth Circuit鈥檚 decision, but the Supreme Court has not yet decided whether it will hear the case. Rutledge added her name to an amici curiae (friend of the court) 鈥溾檚ex鈥 under the plain, unambiguous meaning of Title VII does not mean anything other than biological status.鈥 The brief further accuses the Sixth Circuit聽 of 鈥渞ewriting Title VII to its own liking鈥 and 鈥淸ignoring] the will of Congress.鈥 This is not the first time Arkansas has evoked criticism for its treatment of LGBT individuals. In 2015, , the Arkansas legislature that prohibited municipalities from enacting any law that 鈥渃reates a protected classification or prohibits discrimination on a basis not contained in state law.鈥 In response, the city of Fayetteville passed an ordinance that protected its LGBT residents from discrimination. Groups opposed to the ordinance sued the city, and the Supreme Court of Arkansas held that Fayetteville鈥檚 ordinance violated Act 137. Recent years show that anti-discrimination LGBT protections are crucially needed. published by the National Coalition of Anti-Violence Programs (NCAVP), 2017 was the deadliest year in recent history for LGBT individuals. The report tracked at least one homicide of an LGBT individual each week and a significant spike in individual reports of LGBT violence from 2016 to 2017. Additionally, written by Professor Dustin T. Duncan of the NYU School of Medicine found that in 鈥渉ot spot鈥 areas of LGBT bigotry, LGBT youth were more likely to attempt suicide. Pro-LGBT groups and businesses are finding ways to fight back. , North Carolina rescinded a law that prohibited transgender individuals from using bathrooms that corresponded with their gender identity because of boycotts. PayPal Holdings, Inc. canceled expansion plans it had for the state, and Bruce Springsteen was one of many entertainers to cancel a scheduled concert. 聽California actually blocked state-funded travel to Kentucky, Texas, Alabama, and Dakota because of their anti-LGBT legislation. , 18 states and the District of Columbia have laws addressing hate crimes based on sexual orientation or gender identity. One can only hope that Arkansas begins electing lawmakers committed to the safety and protection of its LGBT citizens. Until that time comes, please consider donating to in Arkansas.

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Announcing: Volume 6 /socialchange/2017/10/05/announcing-volume-6/ Thu, 05 Oct 2017 20:37:20 +0000 https://ualrprd.wpengine.com/socialchange/?p=1310 The Arkansas Journal of Social Change and Public Service is proud to announce the publication of Volume 6. This volume features: Putting Social Change in Perspective: An Editor鈥檚 Note for ... Announcing: Volume 6

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The Arkansas Journal of Social Change and Public Service is proud to announce the publication of Volume 6.

This volume features:

Putting Social Change in Perspective: An Editor鈥檚 Note for Volume 6

by Zachary Hale

Arkansas鈥檚 Manufactured Incarceration Crisis: How Policymakers Made Arkansas the Fastest Growing Prison State in the United States. 

by Omavi Shukur


Volume 6

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Welcome to the Public Service Blog /socialchange/2016/11/22/welcome-to-the-public-service-blog/ Tue, 22 Nov 2016 21:30:21 +0000 https://ualrprd.wpengine.com/socialchange/?p=1137 Welcome to the new and improved Public Service Blog at the Arkansas Journal of Social Change and Public Service! After two years off, we鈥檙e back and ready to talk about the issues ... Welcome to the Public Service Blog

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Welcome to the new and improved Public Service Blog at the Arkansas Journal of Social Change and Public Service!

After two years off, we鈥檙e back and ready to talk about the issues that impact us all.


 

Why a Public Service Blog?

The Journal is committed to providing a space for discussing a wide range of issues that affect the public. As a law review, the bulk of our effort goes into publishing longer academic pieces that explore important topics that are relevant to students, practitioners, and policymakers. Those pieces, however, are only part of the larger discourse around social change and public service. We created this blog to complement our academic publication, and to provide a broader forum where non-academic perspectives can participate in vital conversations.

Additionally, writing in a format that is purposefully aimed at a public audience is provides ample benefits for student authors. As Jack Goldsmith, Harvard Law School professor and founder of the Lawfare Blog, notes in there are many reasons for students to write for the public, including:


(a) to generate writing samples for various audiences (including judges and employers),

(b) to develop expertise,

(c) to signal interest and expertise in a topic to a community of scholars or practitioners,

(d) to practice and thus improve one鈥檚 writing,

(e) the joy of discovery, or of figuring something out, or

(f) to have influence (even if that means nothing more than someone reading your work).

 

Finally, by soliciting blog posts from those outside of our immediate student body and faculty, we aim to connect the work of the Journal to a larger conversation. Striving for broader and deeper public engagement is key to participation in the important discussions of our time.

Who Writes for the Public Service Blog?

This blog will feature writers from diverse professional and academic backgrounds that interface with issues of public service, social justice, governance, and policy. You will find posts from professors, advocates, students, and wonks of all stripes. Of course, there will also be features produced by the Journal鈥檚 editorial board and student staff, all of whom are dedicated to discussing topics of public interest.

While the purpose of our blog is to share valuable ideas, rather than promote personal opinions, it is important to note that the views featured in the posts here are those of the writers and not of the Journal, the William H. Bowen School of Law, or 糖心Vlog传媒LR. As mentioned above, we are here to provide a forum for discussing ideas, and not to prescribe any particular approach to tackling the issues we face in our local, national, and global communities.

Enjoy!

-Zac Hale, Editor-in-Chief

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